"I am delighted to see the development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)," Zhang Ming, Secretary-General of the SCO, said in an interview with the Global Times on Tuesday.

He noted that after 18 years, Iran has finally become the ninth member of the SCO. "But this is not the end; it is a new beginning," he said.

Zhang told the media on Tuesday that the expansion process of the SCO will not stop in the next few years, and it is expected that Belarus will complete all the relevant procedures to join the SCO before next year's SCO summit.

On the afternoon of July 4, the 23rd meeting of the Council of Heads of State of the SCO member countries was held via video conference. During the meeting, Iran was officially confirmed as a full member of the SCO.

In the afternoon of the same day, Zhang and the new Iranian Ambassador to China Mohsen Bakhtiar, jointly raised the Iranian national flag at the SCO Secretariat in Beijing.

Starting from July 4, Iran will officially enjoy all the rights and benefits of a member of the SCO.

Zhang expressed a warm welcome for Iran to join the SCO. "We look forward to Iran playing a more important role within the SCO framework, becoming a member that promotes cooperation for peace and development," he said.

Bakhtiar said on Tuesday that Iran, located at the crossroads of Asia, Europe, and the Middle East, is a strategically important location. "It stands to benefit greatly from the development of transportation infrastructure, streamlining of customs procedures, and promotion of regional connectivity through the efforts of the SCO. By actively participating in initiatives led by the SCO, Iran can leverage its geographical advantage to become a significant transit hub, facilitating trade between the East and the West," he said.

Iran became an observer country of the SCO in 2005, the second year after the establishment of the SCO observer mechanism. In 2008, Iran formally submitted its application to join the SCO. However, due to various factors such as US sanctions, Iran's path to joining the SCO has not been smooth and has faced many challenges. It was not until the SCO summit in Dushanbe, Tajikistan in September 2021 that the heads of state of all SCO member countries finally signed the document initiating the process of accepting Iran as a full member of the SCO.

In September 2022, during the 22nd meeting of the Council of Heads of State of the SCO member countries held in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, Iran signed a memorandum of obligations to join the SCO. In November of the same year, the Iranian parliament passed a law approving Iran's membership of the SCO. On January 25, 2023, the Iranian parliament passed a memorandum of obligations bill regarding membership in the SCO. On February 7, Iran's President Ebrahim Raisi signed an order for implementing the law related to Iran's accession to the SCO.

At Tuesday's event, Ambassador Bakhtiar said that "Economic cooperation is at the core of the SCO and provides Iran with abundant trade and investment opportunities."

He also mentioned that energy cooperation is another important area within the SCO. "Iran is a major energy-producing and exporting country with abundant reserves of oil and natural gas. Through cooperation with other SCO member states, Iran can develop energy infrastructure, promote energy trade, and enhance energy security in the region," he said.

Analysts believe that Iran's formal accession to the SCO will further enhance the international status and influence of the organization, and for Iran, it is an important step in breaking the US diplomatic blockade.

Bakhtiar also noted that the SCO plays a crucial role in combating terrorism and extremism.

"Iran has been actively involved in counterterrorism efforts, and joining the SCO strengthens regional security cooperation. SCO member states, including Iran, can collaborate through intelligence sharing and joint military exercises to collectively address the growing threat of terrorism," he said.

"By actively participating in SCO initiatives, Iran will be able to leverage its role within the organization to enhance its regional standing, develop its economy, and contribute to the collective development and security of SCO member states," he added.

Zhang told the Global Times that despite the ever-changing international situation and many challenges, the influence and international status of the SCO continue to rise. Many countries and regions have shown increasing interest in the SCO, with more countries knocking on the door of the SCO, expressing their hopes of joining this family or upgrading from dialogue partners to full members.

"This undoubtedly reflects the fact that the principles and norms that the SCO has adhered to for a long time have been widely recognized and accepted in the international community," he said, stressing that this is an important manifestation of the continuous enhancement of the international influence of the SCO.

According to media reports, Belarus is also applying to join the SCO. On June 30, the bill "On the accession of the Republic of Belarus to international treaties within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization" was approved at the meeting of the ninth session of the House of Representatives of the seventh convocation in Belarus. The bill was prepared as part of the work on the country's accession to the SCO.

Analysts said that after Iran and Belarus join, the SCO will cover an area "from Europe and the Middle East to South Asia and East Asia."

Regarding this, Zhang said that the process of expanding the SCO will not stop, and the specific speed will depend on the results of the member countries' discussions.

He said that the process of Belarus joining the SCO was launched at the Samarkand summit last year, and this year, an important step was taken by signing the memorandum of obligations for Belarus to join the SCO. According to the normal schedule, it can be expected that all processes will be completed before next year's SCO summit.

Zhu Yongbiao, professor at Lanzhou University, told the Global Times on Tuesday that with Iran's formal accession, the SCO is entering its second round of official expansion. From Central Asia to South Asia, and now to the regions of West Asia or the Middle East, the SCO's coverage of territories and countries is increasing, indicating a further rise in its influence and international status.

He said that in the face of a complex international situation, the SCO's expansion process is likely to accelerate in the coming years, leading to an increase in its international influence and diversity, as well as a rise of inclusiveness within the organization.

The "Chengdu Panda International Food and Culture Carnival Canada: Part of Your Healthy Lifestyle" was held in Chengdu, Southwest China's Sichuan Province on August 2. The event allowed participants to gain an in-depth knowledge of Canada through different aspects such as cuisine, beverages, games and entertainment through brand promotion, food tasting, fitness dance and business exchanges. 

The event was jointly organized by the Foreign Affairs Office of the Chengdu government and the Consulate General of Canada in Chongqing. 

At the event, Samantha Tam, the deputy consul general and commercial consul of the Consulate General of Canada in Chongqing, delivered a speech to welcome attendees, saying that food and culture are symbiotic. She expressed her hopes that through such culinary experiences and exchange activities, Chinese friends of Canada would learn more about the unique charms of the North American country, which includes high-quality agriculture, diversified cuisines, outdoor recreation and creative design, all of which are worthy of exploring and experiencing. 

Ou Yusong, a deputy director of the Foreign Affairs Office of the Chengdu government, recalled the high moments of friendship between Chengdu and Canada, and pointed out that Chengdu is the first city in Asia to be recognized as one of the Food Capitals of the World by UNESCO, and hoped to use gastronomic and cultural exchanges as an entry point to set up more platforms for such exchanges and cooperation in the fields of bilateral culture, economy, trade and tourism.

Since the new Counter-Espionage Law was enacted in July, China's Ministry of State Security (MSS), whose work is usually classified and covert, is now stepping into the public limelight as the top national security authority announced a slew of detailed espionage cases over the last two months, as part of ratcheted up efforts to crack down on espionage.

Experts noted that the recent exposure of US espionage activities highlights China's dire situation with a covert battle waged against the country, as the aggressive spying activities by the US against China are closely linked to Washington's current strategy of comprehensive suppression and the containment of Beijing. 

The consistent unveiling of espionage cases serves to emphasize China's capabilities and determination in defending itself against foreign infiltration and manipulation, effectively safeguarding national security.

As the 23rd National Defense Education Day was marked on Saturday, comic strip posters warning of overseas spies were displayed in subway stations. The MSS provided information on how to prevent phones, emails, and other devices from being attacked on its newly opened official WeChat account. During the first class of the new semester, schools across the nation offered a special class dedicated to equipping teachers and students to identify and increase vigilance in safeguarding national security. 

China's recently intensified actions taken to combat espionage have raised concerns among certain Western media outlets, who misread it as a witch hunt that "spies are everywhere" and a "call to all members in society to apprehend spies." 

Chinese security experts refute such misinterpretation, stating that China simply aims to gain more public support in counter-espionage efforts, as solely relying on national security agencies is insufficient to combat pervasive overseas espionage forces. 

They stressed that the amended anti-espionage law further clarifies the boundaries of espionage activities to prevent abuse, noting that supervision systems along the anti-espionage process and communication channels through which breeches of the law can be reported are never absent.

Seek support from the public

CIA Director William Burns acknowledged on July 20 that his agency had made progress in rebuilding its spy networks in China, following significant setbacks a decade ago. 

Ten days later, China's MSS opened its official WeChat account on August 1, published a call to action, encouraging members of society to contribute to counter-espionage efforts, which analysts said marked its transition from covert to overt. 

Just 21 days after Burn's provocative claim, China's MSS, on August 11, referred to the CIA's revelation while announcing the apprehension of a suspect surnamed Zeng, who was a Chinese military industrial group staffer and an important confidential employee, as conducting espionage activities after being recruited by the CIA during his study in Italy.

China unveiled the second US-led espionage case against China within half a month on August 21, indicating that the country's national security authority cracked an espionage case involving a Chinese government employee who had been enlisted by the Japan branch of the US intelligence agency while studying in Japan. 

Afterward, the MSS, on September 11, released details about the case of John Shing-wan Leung, a permanent resident of China's Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and a US passport holder, who conducted espionage activities including serving as an informant of a US intelligence agency and was spying for the US under the guise of charity. 

In addition, the state media's legal programs have gradually exposed typical early espionage cases in last two months, reminding the public to be more vigilant. 

The MSS also publicly exposed and denounced the "four dangerous mindsets" hidden in the newly released US' 2023 National Intelligence Strategy on its WeChat account on August 28.

"The disclosure of these specific details can allow the general public to be clearer in identifying typical espionage activities. Currently, the actions of foreign espionage forces, led by the US, have become increasingly rampant, reaching new heights. This trend will continue or even intensify for a long time in the future. Relying solely on professional counter-espionage police is no longer sufficient to cope with the current situation. Therefore, we need to seek the support of the public and encourage them to provide more clues," Li Wei, a researcher at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, a leading research institution on national security, told the Global Times.

Where are attacks coming from?

The US, famous for being an empire of hackers, has persistently launched cyberattacks against China.

In recent years, the CIA has established two specific centers to hone the agency's focus on China, the "China Mission Center (CMC)" and the "Transnational and Technology Mission Center." The CMC is the only mission center established by the CIA to specifically target a single country while the "Transnational and Technical Mission Center" is responsible for assisting US spies in enhancing espionage technology, according to Li. 

The CIA attaches great importance to the application of artificial intelligence technology in cyberspace, and the chief technology officer Nand Mulchandani appointed by the CIA later comes from Silicon Valley.

Li noted that the US originally had similar centers targeting Iran and North Korea, but as its tensions with China intensified, the US' redirected targeted activities against these two countries elsewhere, and a new department targeting China was established. This reflects a shift in the focus of US intelligence work.

One of the two centers primarily relies on human intelligence collection, while the other relies on technological means. This is also why the US is globally suppressing Huawei's 5G technology, as once Huawei's network becomes the mainstream internationally, it will pose a significant obstacle to US intelligence gathering, the expert noted.

Moreover, the US often cooperates with other anti-China foreign forces in intelligence, including separatist forces in Hong Kong, the island of Taiwan, and Xizang (Tibet) Autonomous Region as they are highly consistent with their political objectives to destabilize China. The general public should understand the complex international situation, actively learn relevant laws and regulations, enhance national security awareness, and remain vigilant at all times, warned Li.

What are popular means?

According to the MSS, cyberspace has become an important battlefield for foreign intelligence agencies to conduct cyber espionage. China has become a major victim of advanced persistent threat (APT) attacks (typically a state or state-sponsored group, which gains unauthorized access to a computer network and remains undetected for an extended period). 

In recent years, China's national security agencies have discovered dozens of foreign intelligence agencies from different countries and regions conducting cyberattacks within its borders. They either establish specialized organizations, set up "cover companies," and develop professional means to directly carry out cyberattack infiltration actions, or employ "outsourcing services" or hacker groups to carry out attacks, or purchase data or lure and entice domestic institutions and personnel to sell their data, according to the MSS.

A frontline police officer engaged in cybersecurity and counter-espionage work in northern China told the Global Times on condition of anonymity that with the rapid development of modern technology, spy techniques have also evolved, making it increasingly difficult to counter. For example, it is now possible to determine the content of conversations in a room from kilometers away by sensing electromagnetic radiation, and conversations in a room can be stolen using pre-placed microwave, laser, and nano listening devices. 

Cyberspace has become a breeding ground for espionage activities, and some software systems and hardware devices such as "zero-day," a vulnerability in a computer system, are increasingly being used. Furthermore, attacks are increasingly targeting research institutions, according to the police. 

The case of the cyberattack on Northwestern Polytechnical University in 2022 is a typical example of cyber espionage. Foreign intelligence agencies used 41 types of specialized cyber weapons to launch thousands of attacks and steal confidential information from Northwestern Polytechnical University.

Li also underlines that foreign intelligence agencies are shifting their work toward more covert operations. 

The MSS previously exposed a case in April, in which a group of suspicious foreign individuals approached a regular fish farmer in Dalian, Northeast China's Liaoning Province, under the guise of "installing free seawater quality monitoring devices." While claiming to help monitor water quality, these individuals intended to use this pretext to simultaneously monitor important sensitive data such as tides and ocean currents in non-open sea areas. This data would provide navigation assistance for foreign submarines to secretly enter the waters near our country's territorial waters.

No arbitrary application

Many foreign media outlets have exaggerated and sensationalized China's recent legitimate actions against espionage, portraying them as generalized attacks on foreign forces. Some have warned that the anti-espionage campaign could create further legal risks for and doubts among foreign companies, journalists, and academics.

"It has absolutely been distortion and misread as the media has confused counter-espionage work and normal cross-border economic and trade activities. On the contrary, China is committed to creating a healthy business environment that is not disrupted or threatened by espionage activities," Li argued.

China is not the only country that has started issuing more severe warnings regarding foreign spies. Concerns have been raised about Washington fueling a new Red Scare, exemplified by the Justice Department's abandoned China Initiative that focused on academics and some countries' ban on Huawei's 5G network and the social media platform TikTok due to so-called security concerns.

Every country has laws and actions against espionage, so why are they specifically expressing "concern" over China? Chinese netizens questions.

As early as August 4, the MSS had directly responded to concerns and smears from foreign media sources, emphasizing that safeguarding national security is a common practice for countries worldwide. The authority reiterated that the provisions of the amended Counter-Espionage Law are open, transparent, and clear. 

"The task of counter-espionage efforts in China is destined to become increasingly important, and this trend cannot be changed. However, we cannot and will not close our doors for the sake of security. Our commitment to openness to the outside world will only become stronger," Hu Xijin, a Chinese media professional wrote on the Chinese social media platform Sina Weibo.

When the CIA established the two aforementioned centers in 2021, China put forward the "Global Development Initiative" to the world and followed it up with the "Global Security Initiative" the following year. This means that coordinating development and security is a fundamental principle for China, according to analysts.

Li stressed that the revised law refines the boundary of espionage to further prevent misuse. The new version also properly expands the scope of targets of espionage, with all documents, data, materials, and articles concerning national security and interests included for protection. It particularly warns agents against domestic overseas espionage, calling for more caution in selling data to suspicious agents.

The expert underlined that monitoring measures are available to prevent the abuse of the espionage law, refuting claims by some foreign media outlets that the espionage law is a breach of public privacy.

"For example, requests of counterintelligence officers on collecting data must be strictly applied and approved in the system while the process must be supervised by higher levels. Citizens have the right to report potential abuses and misconduct, and relevant channels are open. They can report them to the People's Court and the Procuratorate if they find that law enforcement personnel have stepped over the line and have infringed on the interests of citizens under the guise of counter-espionage laws," Li explained.

On August 7, the MSS again emphasized the supervision mechanism for counter-espionage work and announced the reporting channels on its WeChat account.

"This is not an era for everyone catching spies everywhere, but an important time for everyone to protect national security, via more scientific and legal means," said Li.

US President Joe Biden's recent foreign policy agenda has sparked widespread discussion. Against the backdrop of his absence from the ASEAN Summit and related meetings, Biden is scheduled  to visit Vietnam, one of the ASEAN member countries, on Sunday, with plans to elevate the bilateral relationship to a "strategic partnership," according to information released by the US. This move, putting Vietnam beyond ASEAN, reflects the essence of the US' Indo-Pacific Strategy.

Despite the US government's repeated emphasis on supporting ASEAN's centrality in the regional architecture in its strategic documents, the reality shows that it's merely a token gesture to ASEAN. Since taking office, the Biden administration has spared no effort in reviving the Quad, establishing the AUKUS clique, and mediating between Japan and South Korea, relying on so-called like-minded allies. In practice, the US' Indo-Pacific Strategy marginalizes ASEAN, essentially bypassing it and building a "minilateral cooperation" mechanism centered on the US to directly serve US hegemony.

While snubbing ASEAN, the US is also dividing ASEAN. For instance, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity launched by the Biden administration invited only seven ASEAN member countries, excluding the other three. Such differential treatment inevitably creates rifts within ASEAN. Biden's decision to prioritize Vietnam over ASEAN once again demonstrates the US' intention to divide ASEAN.

The upgrading of the US-Vietnam relationship is closely linked to the escalating tensions in the South China Sea. By enhancing its military presence in the Philippines, the US is increasingly intervening behind the scenes in the South China Sea issue, and disputes between China and the Philippines are showing signs of intensification. Indonesia, the rotating chair of ASEAN this year, has repeatedly expressed a desire to accelerate negotiations on the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, which is something the US does not want to see. A calm South China Sea means the US has one less interface to meddle in regional affairs. Therefore, as one of the claimants in the South China Sea, Vietnam has become a target for US courtship. Washington aims to build a united front against China regarding the South China Sea issue by enhancing cooperation with the Philippines and Vietnam.

Ironically, the US practice of marginalizing and dividing ASEAN reveals a decline in its own influence. The strategic competition initiated by the US against China has squeezed the policy space of ASEAN countries and increased strategic pressure on regional nations. ASEAN leaders repeatedly emphasize that they refuse to "take sides" between China and the US. The US is well aware that ASEAN, as a whole, will not follow its lead on the issue of containing China. This has caused strategic anxiety in Washington.

The US itself is to blame for the current situation. On the one hand, influenced by domestic trade protectionism, the US is reluctant to open its market to ASEAN countries and opposes multilateral trade systems like RCEP or CPTPP.

On the other hand, the US tends to judge and differentiate its partners based on US own values, while most ASEAN countries do not necessarily align with the standards of US-style democracy. The US is neither able nor willing to make changes in these two aspects. 

From this perspective, the US' courtship of Vietnam is merely a temporary measure. Earlier this year, Washington meddled in Hanoi's domestic affairs through its "Country Reports on Human Rights Practices" and faced criticism from Vietnamese officials.

A common consensus among ASEAN countries is that the US' Asia-Pacific policy lacks consistency. From the "Pivot to Asia" during the Barack Obama administration to Donald Trump's "America First" foreign policy, and now to the Biden administration's Indo-Pacific Strategy, ASEAN countries have become increasingly skeptical of US commitments.

In sharp contrast, China has consistently adhered to four "unswerving" principles in its relations with ASEAN: China will unswervingly take ASEAN as a high priority in its neighborhood diplomacy, unswervingly support ASEAN unity and ASEAN Community building. Furthermore, China will unswervingly support ASEAN centrality in the evolving regional architecture, and unswervingly support ASEAN in playing a bigger role in regional and international affairs.

It is evident that China's emphasis on ASEAN is fundamentally different from the US'. The attention paid by the US to ASEAN is in fact driven by the competition with China. China and ASEAN are geographically connected and have deep economic, social and cultural ties that cannot be severed. They should be strategic pillars for each other and work together to prevent a new cold war from occurring in Asia.

China and Middle East countries can build a bridge of communication and actively face global challenges together, said experts attending a forum in Shanghai over the weekend.

From Saturday to Sunday, the 8th International Forum on Asia and Middle East Conference, themed "The Middle East Security and Development in the Global Context," was jointly held by the Middle East Studies Institute of the Shanghai International Studies University (SISU), the Chinese Association of Middle East Studies, and the Doha-based Hamad Bin Khalifa University. The forum consisted of five workshops in which more than 120 scholars from about 20 countries and regions shared their views. 

Professor Jiang Feng, the chair of the SISU, in his opening remarks, said that the conference is an important contribution to promote dialogue between different civilizations.

In September 2021, Chinese President Xi Jinping put forward the Global Development Initiative (GDI) at the 76th Session of the United Nations General Assembly. And in April 2022, he put forward the Global Security Initiative (GSI) at the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference. In March, Iran and Saudi Arabia agreed to re-establish diplomatic relations after years of tensions, with China playing a key role as the mediator.

Zhai Jun, special envoy of the Chinese government on the Middle East issue, said at the forum that the world is still facing a deficit of peace and development, and China's GDI and GSI have contributed to promoting peace in the Middle East. Former special envoy of the Chinese government on the Middle East issue, Wu Sike, analyzed that China's advocacy for a new vision of security is beneficial for peace and development in the Middle East.

This year marks the 10th anniversary of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) proposal. Youness Abouyoub, chief of the Governance and State-Building Section at the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia, highlighted the Middle East's keen interest in the BRI and described the cooperation between China and the region as dynamic and predictable.

Professor Mohamad Homayoon from Imam Sadie University in Iran emphasized the uniqueness of Iranian civilization and expressed hope for not succumbing to hegemony. He also stressed the importance of developing multilateral diplomacy and thinking critically about the development of the country. He believes that with China's help, the future of West Asia is promising.

of anti-China bills and established the House Select Committee on Strategic Competition between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party. Liberal and conservative think tanks have released various anti-China reports, and the media have comprehensively vilified China, which has had a great negative impact on bilateral relations.

In order to mobilize the people and society to act against China, the US government has carried out systematic anti-China propaganda. When Donald Trump was in office, he often attacked and discredited China through extreme remarks. Some senior hawkish officials and Congressmen tried their best to stage anti-China performances, and intelligence agencies and some think tank experts wantonly produced and disseminated disinformation about China. Through their "relentless efforts," China has been labeled by the US as engaging in "unfair trade practices," "stealing intellectual property rights," "genocide," "bullying neighboring countries," "authoritarian and totalitarian" and "coercing the island of Taiwan." These stigmatizing attacks on China are then spread to the whole public through American television, radio, newspapers, the internet, social media, and so on.

At the same time, the US is blocking voices from China in the country. Chinese journalists stationed in the US, the Confucius Institutes at American universities, people friendly to China, and relevant social media accounts have been labeled as "suppressing academic freedom," "infiltrating into the US" and thus been suppressed and blocked. With the tight information cocoon carefully woven by the US government, the image of China in the eyes of the American people has been severely distorted, and the negative perception of China has been continuously strengthened.

China insists on deepening reform, expanding high-level opening-up and adhering to the path of peaceful development, as well as adhering to a common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security concept. It does not export ideology or engage in military expansion. It opposes bloc politics and camp confrontation, and has no intention to fight with the US in a "new cold war." On the one hand, although the Joe Biden administration expressed its willingness to engage in dialogue with China and emphasized that it would not engage in a "new cold war" with China, in its actions, it woos its allies and partners, resorts to "decoupling" and "de-risking," and engages in military containment and infiltration.

If the Biden administration is really unwilling to engage in a "new cold war," it should have stopped its anti-China mobilization. The US has entered a new election cycle. The US government has the responsibility to use pragmatic and rational voices to offset the impact of the anti-China rhetoric in the country. If the anti-China noises of extreme politicians are allowed to overwhelm public opinion, it will cause serious consequences that the entire world could not bear.

For those Western media outlets that seem to be concerned about "China setting back efforts to cut climate-changing carbon emissions," it is strongly advised that they look at the opening ceremony of the Hangzhou Asian Games on Saturday night. Anyone who has basic knowledge of the various applications of low-carbon technologies at the 19th Asian Games in Hangzhou, East China's Zhejiang Province can see why there is every confidence that China will deliver on its promises of meeting carbon peak and neutrality targets.

Why? Because China's efforts to reduce carbon emissions are not simply aimed at reducing the use of fossil fuels but also include efforts to drive the development of green and low-carbon technologies through innovation. 

It's precisely because of the extreme application of low-carbon technologies that China has made the Hangzhou Asian Games a model in terms of pursuing carbon peak and neutrality goals.

For instance, the spectacular opening ceremony on Saturday night saw the use of zero-carbon methanol, which is regenerated from waste carbon and achieves zero emissions, as fuel for the main torch tower for the first time, according to Chinese media reports.

The use of low-carbon, green fuel is not only part of the drive to create the first carbon-neutral Asian Games but also shows China's determination and commitment to low-carbon and innovation-driven green development.

For some time, Western media outlets have been questioning China's decision to build more new coal-fired power plants, citing fears over whether China is setting back efforts to cut carbon emissions due to economic reasons. The main reason for their worries is the belief that decarbonization cannot coexist with economic development. Yet, accomplishing the carbon peak and carbon neutrality goals doesn't necessarily mean that China needs to disregard its national conditions and give up on economic development.

China has never slackened in its pursuit of the carbon peak and carbon neutrality goals. If anything, the Asian Games this time is a clear example of China's seriousness about green development. 

Green is the premium color of the Hangzhou Asian Games, which will become the first such games in history to realize 100 percent green electricity supply at all of the 65 venues and related facilities. Green electricity, which refers to zero or nearly zero carbon emissions in power generation, comes from the province's offshore wind and photovoltaic installations, as well as the central and western regions including Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Qinghai Province and Gansu Province.

China has the world's largest number of renewable energy construction projects, so the share of coal-fired power generation in overall energy consumption has been falling. Even when it comes to the construction of new coal-fired power plants, which has raised questions, China has been improving the low-carbon technology to reduce emissions from new coal power plants in terms of both pollutants and carbon emissions.

More importantly, China has been prioritizing the development of low-carbon technologies in terms of the utilization of renewable energy or improvement in energy efficiency, among others. This is because the development and application of innovative technologies must be essential to achieving economic development while ensuring the accomplishment of carbon emissions reduction goals. Only through the development of new technologies can the achievement of carbon emission goals be reconciled with the main objective of promoting China's economic development, not being set aside in separate approaches.

China's major industrial firms saw their profit surge in August, reversing the downward trend and increasing by 17.2 percent from a year earlier, the latest sign of sustained recovery in the world's second-largest economy as stimulus kicks in.

The robust industry growth, which marks the first increase since the second half of 2022, may pave the way for a full rebound as a slew of economic indicators are also pointing to a positive consumption trend during the upcoming Golden Week holidays, observers said.

With consumption and manufacturing activities all in full swing, the domestic economy is expected to ride on the fast track of stabilizing growth, though challenges remain, they noted.

In the first eight months of the year, the profits of major industrial firms with annual main business revenue of at least 20 million yuan ($2.79 million) reached 4.66 trillion yuan, down 11.7 percent year-on-year, with the pace of decline narrowing by 3.8 percentage points from the first seven months, according to data released on Wednesday by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).

Of the 41 industrial categories monitored by the bureau, 30 posted better performance in terms of profit during the January-August period, with the losses in raw material manufacturing industry narrowing significantly due to rising commodity prices and recovered demand.

As the country's pro-growth policies continued to show their impact in August, industrial production saw a steady recovery, with the improvement in industrial profit gathering momentum, said NBS statistician Yu Weining.

Profit growth for equipment manufacturing was 3.6 percent for the period, growing from the 1.7 percent registered during the first seven months and leading the overall improvement, Yu said, noting that all business entities recorded better performance.

The reversal in August, reflecting that the overall operating conditions of the industrial sector are improving, was mainly driven by the rebound in market demand, improved prices of industrial products, the effects of macro-support policies, and the low base in 2022, Zhou Maohua, an economist at Everbright Bank, told the Global Times on Wednesday.

The rebound was in line with the momentum of China's official manufacturing purchasing managers' index (PMI) for August, which came in at 49.7, up 0.4 points from the previous month.

A reading below 50 indicates a contraction, while one above 50 indicates expansion.

"The recovery of the PMI represents stable market confidence and projection, and enterprises' profit recovery is the real consequence, which shows that the general situation is improving," Cong Yi, professor at the Tianjin University of Finance and Economics, told the Global Times on Wednesday.

All multiple indicators are upbeat signs for the country's overall economic recovery, and also reflect that a series of supportive measures have taken effect, Cong said.

Notably, in the first eight months of 2023, profit of the electricity, heat generation and supply industry surged by 53.4 percent year-on-year, and profits for electrical machinery and equipment manufacturing increased by 33 percent year-on-year. In addition, profit of auto manufacturing increased by 2.4 percent year-on-year.

NBS data also showed that profit of enterprises in the metal, mineral processing, and energy extraction sectors suffered a decrease, while the profits of coal extraction and washing enterprises declined by 26.3 percent year-on-year, and the profit of chemical raw material and production manufacturing enterprises declined by 51.1 percent.

Structural adjustment of China's industrial enterprises growth is ongoing, and it's a vital period now for shifting the country's economic drive force from traditional industry to emerging sectors, Cong said.

Nevertheless, some domestic industrial manufacturing industries are still in the destocking stage, Zhou said, noting that problems such as insufficient market demand and high cost pressures still pose difficulties for company operations. 

"Domestic macro policy support cannot be relaxed," Zhou said.

Chinese authorities have stressed stronger and more precise measures to bolster the recovery over the past months. In a fresh move on Wednesday, China's central bank said at a quarterly meeting that it would step up policy adjustments and implement monetary policies to expand domestic demand and restore confidence.

During the meeting, the bank emphasized the need to intensify the implementation of existing monetary policies, enhance counter-cyclical and cross-cyclical adjustments, and focus on boosting domestic demand and restoring confidence.

In light of the current domestic and international economic situation, the bank noted that "the current external environment has become more complex and challenging," with inflation remaining high and developed countries expected to maintain elevated interest rates. Additionally, it acknowledged that "the domestic economy continues to recover and improve with strengthened momentum, but still faces challenges such as insufficient demand."

Globally, downward pressure on the world economy has been intensifying. 

According to a Reuters report citing an S&P Global survey, business activity in the US, the world's largest economy, showed little change in September, with the vast services sector essentially idling at the slowest pace since February, and overall new order activity slipping to the lowest level in 2023.